Tereqqi.tk

“Türkçülüyün tarixi”Akçuraoğlu Yusuf

Sahib — Wed, 02 Jan 2008 03:20:33 -0100

Bu kitab türk dünyasının tanınmış mütəfəkkiri Akçuraoğlu Yusufun Azərbaycanda nəşr olunan ilk kitabdır. Kitabda böyük mütəfəkkirin özünün xüsusi önəm verdiyi “Türkçülüyün tarixi” əsəri ilk dəfə olaraq Azərbaycan oxucusuna təqdim edilir. Kitab filosoflar, sosioloqlar, tarixçilər,türkoloqlar, ümumiyyətlə geniş oxucu kütləsi üçün nəzərdə tutulmuşdur.

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İmadəddin Nəsiminin seçilmiş əsərləri 1 hissə

Sahib — Sat, 22 Dec 2007 09:56:02 -0100

Məndə sığar iki cahan, mən bu cahanə sığmazam,
Gövhəri laməkan mənəm, kövnü məkanə sığmazam.
Ərşlə fərşu kafü nun məndə bulundu cümlə çün,
Kəs sözunüvü əbsəm ol, şərhu bəyanə sığmazam.
Kövnü məkandır ayətim, zati dürür bidayətim,
Sən bu nişanla bil məni, bil ki, nişanə sığmazam.

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"Qarabağ dünən, bu gün və sabah" elmi-əməli konfransın materialları

Sahib — Tue, 11 Dec 2007 22:48:44 -0100

Buraxılış Azərbaycan-Ermənistan müharibəsi ilə əlaqədar keçirilən "Qarabağ dünən, bu gün və sabah" 1,2,3,4,5,6-ci Ümumrespublika elmi-əməli konfransının məruzə və çıxışlarının tezislərini əhatə edir
This edition covers theses of lectures and speeches of scientifıc-practical conference "Karabakh yesterday, today and tomorrow", concerning to settlement of Azerbaijan-Armenia war.

1."Qarabağ dünən, bu gün və sabah" 1-ci Ümumrespublika elmi-əməli konfransının tezislər toplusu

2."Qarabağ dünən, bu gün və sabah" 2-ci Ümumrespublika elmi-əməli konfransının tezislər toplusu

3."Qarabağ dünən, bu gün və sabah" 3-cü Ümumrespublika elmi-əməli konfransının materialları

4."Qarabağ dünən, bu gün və sabah" 4-cü Ümumrespublika elmi-əməli konfransının materialları

5."Qarabağ dünən, bu gün və sabah" 5-ci elmi-əməli konfransının materialları

6."Qarabağ dünən, bu gün və sabah" 6-cı elmi-əməli konfransın materiallar

Şah İsmayıl Xətai. Əsərləri

Sahib — Fri, 07 Dec 2007 10:45:45 -0100

Dərindir bizim dəryamız, boylanmaz,
Min bir kəlam desəm, biri anlanmaz.
Kişi iqrarsız yollara bağlanmaz,
Yolları qoynunda yürüyüb gedər.

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Almas İldırım. Seçilmiş əsərləri

Sahib — Mon, 03 Dec 2007 10:53:16 -0100

Bu kitab "Almaz ildırım.Qara Dastan şerlər və poemalar"(Bakı ,"Azərbaycan"nəşriyatı,1994 nəşri əsasında təkrar nəşrə hazırlanmışdı)

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"Qara məcmuə"(Şeyx Səfiəddin Ərdəbili)

Sahib — Sat, 17 Nov 2007 02:42:48 -0100

Şeyx Səfiəddin Ərdəbili heyati,Şeyx Səfinini türkçə şe'rləri,Şeyx Səfiyə mənsub giləkçə şe'rləri,Şeyx Səfiyə mənsub olan farsca şe'rləri,«Əl-buyuruq» risaləsi,"Yol əhlinə gilavuz"əsəri,«Müzəkkrin-nüfus» risaləsi,«Könül» risaləsi,"Səfvəiüs-səfa" adlı əsərin hamisini aşağıdakı linkden endire bilərsiniz.

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Mesnevi-i Şerif(Tr)

Sahib — Sat, 10 Nov 2007 05:38:17 -0100

Altın gibi, bir taç kişinin öz malı değiliz biz. Deniz gibiyiz, maden gibiyiz; herkesin malıyız, herkesin mülkü.
Yeryüzü gibi yağma yurdu değiliz. Gökyüzü gibi eminiz, hoşuz biz.
Hristiyan gibi korkup duranlara, iman gibi aman vermeye gelmişiz biz.
Kendine gel, sus; bunlardan da üstünüz; söze dile sığmayız biz"

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Siyah Kan (Jean Christophe Grange)

Sahib — Fri, 26 Oct 2007 11:55:36 +0000

Güneydoğu Asya'da, Yengeç Dönencesi ile Ekvator çizgisi arasında bir yerlerde bir yol vardır. Siyah kanla çizilmiş bir yol. Korkunun ve ölümün hakim olduğu bir yol.
PARİS. İlk temas. KUALA LUMPUR. Hayat Yolu. Uçuşan ve Çoğalan. Sonsuzluğun İşaretleri. KAMBOÇYA. Bal ve Fresk. TAYLAND. Arınma Odası

Dünyadan soyutlanmış bu mekanda neler olduğunu anlayacaksınız! BANGKOK. Gerçeğin Rengi aynı zamanda Yalanın da Rengi'dir! Ve PARİS. Her şey sona ermedi, yeni başlıyor.
ÇABUK SAKLAN, BABA GELİYOR!

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İsa Yazmaları / Tarihteki En Büyük Sırrın Açığa Çıkışı (Jesus Papers) E-book

Sahib — Thu, 18 Oct 2007 13:11:42 +0000

Ya Hıristiyanlığın kökenleri hakkında bize söylenen her şey doğru değilse?...
Ya bugüne kadar küçük bir grup gerçeği hep bilmiş ve bizlerden saklamışsa?..
Ya İsa Mesih'in çarmıhtan sağ kurtulduğuna dair açık kanıtlar varsa?...
Yirmi yıl önce Michael Baigent ve meslektaşları, tartışmalara yol açan bir teoriyle tüm dünyayı şaşkına uğrattılar. Bu teori, İsa Mesih ile Mecdelli Meryem'in evlendikleri ve kutsal bir nesil inşa ettikleri konusundaydı.

Baigent’ın çok satan kitabı (ortak yazarlar Henry Lincoln ve Richard Leigh ile beraber) Kutsal Kan, Kutsal Kase uluslararası bir yayıncılık fenomeni hâline geldi ve Dan Brown’ın Da Vinci şifresi romanının kaynaklarından biri oldu. Yirmi yıllık araştırma birikimini arkasına alan Baigent’ın İsa Yazmaları kitabı, İsa’nın yaşamı ve ölümü hakkında bildiğimiz her şeyi altüst eden yeni ve çarpıcı kanıtları okuyucuya birer birer sunuyor.
- İsa’nın döneminde en etkili sosyal ve politik olaylar nelerdi?
- İsa’ya yardım edip kendi hayatlarını tehlikeye atanlar kimlerdi ve bunu neden yapmış olabilirlerdi?
- İsa, çarmıh olayından sonra nereye gitmiş olabilirdi?

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Anne Frank - Bir Genç Kızın Günlüğü (E-book)

Sahib — Sun, 17 Jun 2007 02:17:45 +0000

Kuşaklar boyunca Almanya'da yaşamış liberal Yahudi bir ailenin kızı olan Anne Frank, 4 yaşına geldiğinde O'nu ve milyonlarca insanı bekleyen trajik sonun başladığını algılayacak yaşta değildi belki de. Tanıdığım en harika insan dediği babasının çalıştığı banka, 1929 ekonomik kriziyle sarsılır. Baba Otto Frank'ın işleri kötüye gidiyor olsa da güvenlik ve konforları hâlâ tehlikede değildir. Onlar gibi milyonlarca Yahudiyi, komünisti bekleyen asıl tehlike yükselen faşizmdir. Ekonomik kriz cenderesinde ezilen halkın istemlerini iki yüzlüce kullanan Hitler'in Nasyonal Sosyalist Partisi güç kazanmaktadır.

30 Ocak 1933 yılında iktidara gelen Hitler faşizmi, kısa bir süre sonra Yahudi karşıtı önlemler alır. Komünistlere, sosyalistlere ve Alman Yahudilerine karşı bir sürek avına girişilir. Almanya Komünist Partisi yeraltına çekilmiştir. Frank Ailesi için Almanya'da güven içinde yaşamanın olanakları tükenmiştir artık.
"Etrafımdaki dünya yıkıldı... Almanya'nın dışında da bir dünya olduğunu fark ettim. Doğuracağı sonuçları tartarak ve beni derinden etkileyeceğini bile bile bu ülkeyi bir daha dönmemek üzere terk ettim."
Baba Otto Frank'ın dünyası yıkılmıştır ancak yine de pek çok ırkdaşından daha şanslıdır. İş ilişkilerini kullanarak 1933 yılında Hollanda'ya gitmenin bir yolunu bulur. Anne Frank sonraki yıllarda hatıra defterine düştüğü notlarında ülkelerini terk etme nedenlerini sıralar:
"Hürriyetimiz bir dizi Yahudi karşıtı uygulama yüzünden oldukça kısıtlanmıştı. Yahudiler sarı bir yıldız takmak ve bisikletlerini teslim etmek zorunda bırakıldılar. Yahudilerin tramvay ve otobüslere binmeleri yasaklandı; Yahudilerin araba kullanmaları -kendilerinin olsa bile- yasaklandı; Yahudilerin alışverişlerini saat 15:00 ile 17:00 arasında yapmaları istendi; Yahudilerin sadece Yahudilere ait berber dükkanlarına gitmelerine izin verildi; Yahudilerin saat 20:00 ile 6:00 arasında sokağa çıkmaları yasaklandı (...). 'Yahudi olduğumuz için 1933'te babam Hollanda'ya göç etti."
Hollanda'ya yerleşen aile yeni bir yaşam kurmakta fazla zorlanmaz. İş adamı Otto Frank ticarete atılmaya hazırlanır. Anne Frank ve ablası okula başlarlar ve kısa bir sürede Hollandaca öğrenirler. Frank ailesi yalnız değildir. Hollanda bu dönemde Hitler faşizminden kaçan Alman göçmenlere ev sahipliği yapmaktadır. Almanya kana bulanmıştır. Toplama kamplarında milyonlarca insan gaz odalarında öldürülmeyi beklemektedir. Artık Hollanda da güvenilir bir sığınak olma özelliğini yitirmektedir. İkinci Paylaşım Savaşı'nın başlamasıyla yaşam şartları ağırlaşmaya başlar. Hitler faşizminin Hollanda'ya girişi ise göçmenlerin kısa süren güvenli yıllarının sonu, felaketin de başlangıcı olur. İşgalin ilk yıllarında Nazilerin ilk uygulaması Hollanda'da yaşayan Yahudilerin kayıtlarının tutulması olur. Halkın çok küçük bir bölümü işgalcilere sempati duymaktadır. İlerleyen yıllarda ülke içinde faşizme karşı olan öfke artacak ve büyük bir direnç hareketi başlayacaktır.
Hitler faşizminin Hollanda'ya girmesi Anne Frank'ın yaşamını da etkiler. Yahudi çocuklarının ayrı okullara gitmelerini zorunlu kılan yasalar nedeniyle Anne ve ablası okul değiştirirler. Yahudilerin kendi işlerini yapmaları da yasaklanmıştır. Otto Frank zengin bir Yahudi olmasının avantajını kullanır ve sahip olduğu şirketin başına bir arkadaşını getirir. 5 Temmuz 1942'de anne Margot'a bir celp gelir ve SS merkezine çağrılır. Hollanda'da yaşayan tüm Yahudiler gibi Frank ailesi de hızla yaklaşan tehlikeden korunmak için çareler ararlar. Otto Frank'ın Prinsengracht'taki ofis binasının arkasında bulunan gizli bölmede saklanma kararı alınır.
Gizli bölmede yalnızca Frank ailesi değil, yakın dostları 4 kişi daha kalmaya başlar. Tam iki yıl süren tecrit yaşantısı boyunca, ailelerin dış dünyayla olan irtibatlarını sağlayan, ihtiyaçlarını karşılayan kişi de Otto Frank'ın sekreteri Miep Gies'dir.
Anne için alışılması zor bir durumdur bu. Ancak küçük yaşına rağmen içinde bulundukları olağanüstü durumu idrak edecek olgunluktadır da. Ayrıca on üçüncü doğum günü hediyesi olarak kendisine armağan edilen bir hatıra defteri vardır; Anne Frank'ın Hatıra Defteri. Artık önemli önemsiz yaşadığı her şeyi, hatırladığı ölçüde geçmişi, ülkesini, şiddeti, korkularını, umutlarını bu deftere kaydetmeye başlar.
'Tüm düşüncelerimi ve duygularımı kaydedebilmek bana iyi geliyor. Bunu yapamıyor olsaydım herhalde boğulurdum.'
'Bu müştemilat saklanılacak ideal bir yer. Burası nemli ve kötü bir yer olabilir fakat tüm Amsterdam'da -hayır tüm Hollanda'da- daha konforlu bir yer olamaz.'
Henüz çocuk denilecek bir yaşta olan Anne, içinde bulunduğu fiziki ortamı güzelleştirerek hem kendisine hem de ailesine moral kaynağı olmaya çalışır.
'Şimdiye kadar yatak odamız, beyaz duvarları ile çok çıplak bir görünümdeydi. Tüm kartpostal ve film yıldızı kolleksiyonumu önceden buraya taşıyan babam sayesinde ve bir fırça ve tutkal ile duvarları resimlerle süslemeyi başardım.'
'Dışarı çıkamamak beni kelimelerle anlatılamayacak kadar sinirli yapıyor. Sığınağımızın ortaya çıkarılıp vurulmamız ihtimali beni dehşete düşürüyor. Çok ürkütücü bir ihtimal tabi ki'
'Dışarılarda bir yerde en değerli arkadaşlarım bitkinlikten yıkılır ya da yerlerde sürünürlerken sıcak bir yatakta yattığım için kendimi hain gibi hissediyorum. Dünyada gelmiş geçmiş en vahşi canavarların elinde şimdi kaderlerine terk edilmiş olan yakın arkadaşlarımı düşünürken korkuya kapılıyorum'
Korkmakta haklıdır Anne. 1941 yılında Almanya ve işgal altındaki diğer Avrupa ülkelerindeki Yahudilerin kayıt işlemleri tamamlanmıştır. 20 Ocak 1942'de Berlin'deki 'Wannsee Konferansı'nda Naziler, kayıtları tutulan 11 milyon Yahudinin nasıl ortadan kaldırılacağı sorununu çözmeye çalışırlarken, Anne küçük sığınağında günlüğüne şunları yazmaktadır:
"Tıp bilimi, sanatçılar veya fakirler için tek bir kuruş bile ayrılmazken, savaş için niye milyonlar harcanmakta? Dünyanın bazı bölgelerinde gıda dağları çürümeye terk edilirken neden insanlar açlıktan ölüyor? İnsanlar niye bu kadar çılgın?"
Anne Frank 1 Ağustos 1944'te hatıra defterini son kez açar. Hollanda gestaposu bir ihbar üzerine 4 Ağustos 1944'te gizli sığınağı bulur. Evde bulunan herkes tutuklanır. Bu arada ailelere ait tüm değerli eşyalara ve paraya el konulur. Baba Frank'ın çantasından yerlere saçılan evraklar arasında Anne Frank'ın hatıra defteri de vardır. Ancak Gestapo deftere ilgi göstermez. Hatıra defterinin bize kadar ulaşmasını sağlayan kişi ise, baskından 8 gün sonra sığınağa gitmeye cesaret eden sekreter Miep'tir.
Frank ailesi ve diğerleri trenle Polonya'daki Auschwitz esirler kampına gönderilir. Kısa bir süre sonra anne Frank ve diğer ailenin üyeleri ölürler. Aynı yılın sonbaharında Anne Frank ve ablası Berlin ile Hamburg arasındaki Bergen-Belsen esirler kampına gönderilirler. Önce ablası, birkaç gün sonra da Anne tifodan ölür. Auschwitz'de kalan baba Otto Frank, Kızıl Ordunun Hitler faşizmini Avrupa'dan temizlemesiyle kurtulur. Ancak kendi deyişiyle, hayatından başka her şeyini yitirmiştir.
Yaşam yine de devam etmektedir. Baba Frank'ın elinde, eski sekreteri Miep'in kendisine ulaştırdığı günlük vardır. Sayfaları defalarca okur. Sonra bir kopyasını profesör bir arkadaşına gönderir. Yakın çevresinin baskısıyla da hatıraları yayımlamaya karar verir. İki ret cevabından sonra yayınlamayı kabul eden bir yayınevi ilk olarak 150 bin adet basar. Bu baskıyı diğerleri takip eder. Sonraları pek çok dile çevrilir.
'Benim gibi biri için hatıra defteri tutmak gerçekten tuhaf bir tecrübe. Bu sadece daha önce yazı yazmadığımdan değil. Bana öyle geliyor ki, seneler sonra ben dahil hiç kimse on üç yaşında bir öğrenci kızın düşünce ve hayallerini merak etmeyecek.'
İlk kez Anne'nin ölümünden 2 yıl sonra 1947 yılında yayımlanan 'Hatıra Defteri' bugüne kadar tüm dünyada milyonlarca kişi tarafından okundu. Bundan sonra da yazdıklarını kimsenin merak etmeyeceğini düşünen Anne sayesinde milyonlarca insan 13 yaşındaki Yahudi bir kızın günlüğüne düştüğü korkularını, acılarını ve umutlarını, insanoğlunun yaşadığı bir trajedinin ifadesi olarak okuyacak.

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АЛИ И НИНО КУРБАН САИД

Sahib — Tue, 13 Mar 2007 23:32:48 +0000

- Север, юг и запад Европы окружены морями. Северный Ледовитый океан, Средиземное море и Атлантический океан составляют естественные границы этого континента. Восточная граница Европы проходит по территории Российской империи. Она спускается по Уральским горам, делит надвое Каспийское море и далее проходит через Закавказье. И тут наука еще не сказала своего окончательного слова. Некоторые ученые относят к Европе и южные склоны Кавказских гор, другие же считают, что эта территория не может считаться Европой, особенно если учесть культурное развитие населяющих ее народов. Дети мои! От вас самих будет зависеть, причислят ли наш город к прогрессивной Европе или же отсталой Азии.

http://www.azeribook.com/proza/kurban_said/ali_nino.htm

Robinson Crusoe Daniel Defoe

Sahib — Thu, 07 Dec 2006 06:50:43 -0100

I was born in the year 1632, in the city of York, of a good family, though not of that country, my father being a foreigner of Bremen, who settled first at Hull. He got a good estate by merchandise, and leaving off his trade lived afterward at York, from whence he had married my mother, whose relations were named Robinson, a good family in that country, and from whom I was called Robinson Kreutznear; but by the usual corruption of words in England we are now called, nay, we call ourselves, and write our name, Crusoe, and so my companions always called me. I had two elder brothers, one of which was lieutenant-colonel to an English regiment of foot in Flanders, formerly commanded by the famous Colonel Lockhart, and was killed at the battle near Dunkirk against the Spaniards; what became of my second brother I never knew, any more than my father and mother did know what was become of me. Being the third son of the family, and not bred to any trade, my head began to be filled very early with rambling thoughts. My father, who was very ancient, had given me a competent share of learning, as far as house-education and a country free school generally goes, and designed me for the law, but I would be satisfied with nothing but going to sea; and my inclination to this led me so strongly against the will, nay, the commands, of my father, and against all the entreaties and persuasions of my mother and other friends, that there seemed to be something fatal in that propension of nature tending directly to the life of misery which was to befall me.My father, a wise and grave man, gave me serious and excellent counsel against what he foresaw was my design. He called me one morning into his chamber, where he was confined by the gout, and expostulated very warmly with me upon this subject. He asked me what reasons more than a mere wandering inclination I had for leaving my father's house and my native country, where I might be well introduced, and had a prospect of raising my fortunes by application and industry, with a life of ease and pleasure. He told me it was for men of desperate fortunes on one hand, or of aspiring, superior fortunes on the other, who went abroad upon adventures, to rise by enterprise, and make themselves famous in undertakings of a nature out of the common road; that these things were all either too far above me, or too far below me; that mine was the middle state, or what might be called the upper station of low life, which he had found by long experience was the best state in the world, the most suited to human happiness, not exposed to the miseries and hardships, the labor and sufferings, of the mechanic part of mankind, and not embarrassed with the pride, luxury, ambition, and envy of the upper part of mankind. He told me I might judge of the happiness of this state by one thing, viz., that this was the state of life which all other people envied; that kings have frequently lamented the miserable consequences of being born to great things, and wished they had been placed in the middle of the two extremes, between the mean and the great; that the wise man gave his testimony to this as the just standard of true felicity, when he prayed to have neither poverty nor riches. He bid me observe it, and I should always find that the calamities of life were shared among the upper and lower part of mankind; but that the middle station had the fewest disasters and was not exposed to so many vicissitudes as the higher or lower part of mankind. Nay, they were not subjected to so many distempers and uneasiness either of body or mind as those were who, by vicious living, luxury, and extravagancies on one hand, or by hard labor, want of necessaries, and mean or insufficient diet on the other hand, bring distempers upon themselves by the natural consequences of their way of living; that the middle station of life was calculated for all kind of virtues and all kind of enjoyments; that peace and plenty were the handmaids of a middle fortune; that temperance, moderation, quietness, health, society, all agreeable diversions, and all desirable pleasures, were the blessings attending the middle station of life; that this way men went silently and smoothly through the world, and comfortably out of it, not embarrassed with the labors of the hands or of the head, not sold to the life of slavery for daily bread, or harassed with perplexed circumstances, which rob the soul of peace, and the body of rest; not enraged with the passion of envy, or secret burning lust of ambition for great things; but in easy circumstances sliding gently through the world, and sensibly tasting the sweets of living, without the bitter, feeling that they are happy, and learning by every day's experience to know it more sensibly. After this, he pressed me earnestly, and in the most affectionate manner, not to play the young man, not to precipitate myself into miseries which Nature and the station of life I was born in seemed to have provided against; that I was under no necessity of seeking my bread; that he would do well for me, and endeavor to enter me fairly into the station of life which he had been just recommending to me; and that if I was not very easy and happy in the world it must be my mere fate or fault that must hinder it, and that he should have nothing to answer for, having thus discharged his duty in warning me against measures which he knew would be to my hurt; in a word, that as he would do very kind things for me if I would stay and settle at home as he directed, so he would not have so much hand in my misfortunes, as to give me any encouragement to go away. And to close all, he told me I had my elder brother for an example, to whom he had used the same earnest persuasions to keep him from going into the Low Country wars, but could not prevail, his young desires prompting him to run into the army, where he was killed; and though he said he would not cease to pray for me, yet he would venture to say to me, that if I did take this foolish step, God would not bless me, and I would have leisure hereafter to reflect upon having neglected his counsel when there might be none to assist in my recovery. I observed in this last part of his discourse, which was truly prophetic, though I suppose my father did not know it to be so himself - I say, I observed the tears run down his face very plentifully, and especially when he spoke of my brother who was killed; and that when he spoke of my having leisure to repent, and none to assist me,he was so moved that he broke off the discourse, and told me his heart was so full he could say no more to me. I was sincerely affected with this discourse, as indeed who could be otherwise? and I resolved not to think of going abroad any more, but to settle at home according to my father's desire. But alas! a few days wore it all off; and, in short, to prevent any of my father's farther importunities, in a few weeks after I resolved to run quite away from him. However, I did not act so hastily neither as my first heat of resolution prompted, but I took my mother, at a time when I thought her a little pleasanter than ordinary, and told her that my thoughts were so entirely bent upon seeing the world that I should never settle to anything with resolution enough to go through with it, and my father had better give me his consent than force me to go without it; that I was now eighteen years old, which was too late to go apprentice to a trade, or clerk to an attorney; that I was sureif I did, I should never serve out my time, and I should certainly run away from my master before my time was out, and go to sea; and if she would speak to my father to let me go but one voyage abroad, if I came home again and did not like it, I would go no more, and I would promise by a double diligence to recover that time I had lost. This put my mother into a great passion. She told me she knew it would be to no purpose to speak to my father upon any such subject; that he knew too well what was my interest to give his consent to anything so much for my hurt, and that she wondered how I could think of any such thing after such a discourse as I had had with my father, and such kind and tender expressions as she knew my father had used to me; and that, in short, if I would ruin myself there was no help for me; but I might depend I should never have their consent to it; that for her part, she should not have so much hand in my destruction, and I should never have it to say, that my mother was willing when my father was not. Though my mother refused to move it to my father, yet, as I have heard afterwards, she reported all the discourse to him, and that my father, after showing a great concern at it, said to her with a sigh, "That boy might be happy if he would stay at home, but if he goes abroad he will be the miserablest wretch that was ever born: I can give no consent to it." It was not till almost a year after this that I broke loose, though in the meantime I continued obstinately deaf to all proposals of settling to business, and frequently expostulating with my father and mother about their being so positively determined against whatthey knew my inclinations prompted me to. But being one day at Hull, where I went casually, and without any purpose of making an elopement that time; but I say, being there, and one of mycompanions being going by sea to London, in his father's ship, and prompting me to go with them, with the common allurement of sea-faring men, viz., that it should cost me nothing for my passage, I consulted neither father nor mother any more, nor so much as sent them word of it; but leaving them to hear of it as they might, without asking God's blessing, or my father's, without any consideration of circumstances or consequences, and in an ill hour, God knows, on the first of September, 1651, I went on board a ship bound for London. Never any young adventurer's misfortunes, I believe began sooner, or continued longer than mine. The ship was no sooner gotten out of the Humber, but the wind began to blow, and the waves to rise in a most frightful manner; and as I had never been at sea before, I was most inexpressibly sick in body, and terrified in my mind. I began now seriously to reflect upon what I had done, and how justly I was overtaken by the judgment of Heaven for my wicked leaving myfather's house, and abandoning my duty; all the good counsel of my parents, my father's tears and my mother's entreaties, came now fresh into my mind, and my conscience, which was not yet come to the pitch of hardness which it has been since, reproached me with the contempt of advice and the breach of my duty to God and my father. All this while the storm increased, and the sea, which I had never been upon before, went very high, though nothing like what I have seen many times since; no, nor like what I saw a few days after. But it was enough to affect me then, who was but a young sailor, and had never known anything of the matter. I expected every wave would have swallowed us up, and that every time the ship fell down, as I thought, in the trough or hollow of the sea, we should never rise more; and in this agony of mind I made many vows of resolutions, that if it would please God here to spare my life this one voyage, if ever I got once my foot upon dry land again, I would go directly home to my father, and never set it into a ship again while I lived; that I would take his advice, and never run myself into such miseries as these any more. Now I saw plainly the goodness of his observations about the middle station of life, how easy, how comfortably he had lived all his days, and never had been exposed to tempests at sea, or troubles on shore; and I resolved that I would, like a true repenting prodigal, go home to my father. These wise and sober thoughts continued all the while the storm continued, and indeed some time after; but the next day the wind was abated and the sea calmer, and I began to be a little inured to it. However, I was very grave for all that day, being also a little sea-sick still; but towards night the weather cleared up, the wind was quite over, and a charming fine evening followed; the sun went down perfectly clear, and rose so the next morning; and having little or no wind, and a smooth sea, the sun shining upon it, the sight was, as I thought, the most delightful that ever I saw. I had slept well in the night, and was now no more sea-sick but very cheerful, looking with wonder upon the sea that was so wrought and terrible the day before, and could be so calm and so pleasant in so little time after. And now lest my good resolutions should continue, my companion, who had indeed enticed me away, comes to me: "Well, Bob," says he, clapping me on the shoulder, "how do you do after it? I warrant you were frighted, wa'n't you, last night, when it blew but a capful of wind?" "A capful, d'you call it?" said I; It was a terrible storm." "A storm, you fool you," replied he; "do you call that a storm? Why, it was nothing at all; give us but a good ship and sea-room, and we think nothing at all; give us but a good ship and sea-room, and we think nothing of such a squall of wind as that; but you're but a fresh-water sailor, Bob. Come, let us make a bowl of punch, and we'll forget all that; d'ye see what charming weather 'tis now?" To make short this sad part of my story, we went the old way of all sailors; the punch was made, and I was made drunk with it, and in that one night's wickedness I drowned all my repentance, all my reflections upon my past conduct, and all my resolutions for my future. In a word, as the sea was returned to its smoothness of surface and settled calmness by the abatement of that storm, so the hurry of my thoughts being over, my fears and apprehensions of being swallowed up by the sea being forgotten, and the current of my former desires returned, I entirely forgot the vows and promises that I made in my distress. I found indeed some intervals of reflection, and the serious thoughts did, as it were, endeavor to return again sometime; but I shook them off, and roused myself from them as it were from a distemper, and applying myself to drink and company, soon mastered the return of those fits, for so I called them, and I had in five or six days got as complete a victory over conscience as any young fellow that resolved not to be troubled with it could desire. But I was to have another trial for it still; and Providence, as in such cases generally it does, resolved to leave me entirely without excuse. For if I would not take this for a deliverance, the next was to be such a one as the worst and most hardened wretch among us would confess both the danger and the mercy. The sixth day of our being at sea we came into Yarmouth roads; the wind having been contrary and the weather calm, we made but little way since the storm. Here we were obliged to come to an anchor, and here we lay, the wind continuing contrary, viz., at southwest, for seven or eight days, during which time a great many ships from Newcastle came into the same roads, as the common harbor where the ships might wait for a wind for the river. We had not, however, rid here so long, but should have tided it up the river, but that the wind blew too fresh; and after we had lain four or five days, blew very hard. However, the roads .being reckoned as good as a harbor, the anchorage good, and our ground-tackle very strong, our men were unconcerned, and not in the least apprehensive of danger, but spent the time in rest and mirth, after the manner of the sea; but the eighth day in the morning the wind increased, and we had all hands at work to strike our topmasts, and make everything snug and close, that the ship might ride as easy as possible. By noon the sea went very high indeed, and our ship rid forecastle in, shipped several seas, and we thought once or twice our anchor had come home; upon which our master ordered out the sheet anchor, so that we rode with two anchors ahead, and the cables veered out to the better end. By this time it blew a terrible storm indeed, and now I began to see terror and amazement in the faces even of the seamen themselves. The master, though vigilant to the business of perserving the ship, yet as he went in and out of his cabin by me, I could hear him softly to himself say several times, "Lord be merciful to us, we shall be all lost, we shall be all undone"; and the like. During these first hurries I was stupid, lying still in my cabin, which was in the steerage, and cannot describe my temper; I could ill reassume the first penitence, which I had so apparently trampled upon, and hardened myself against; I though the bitterness of death had been past, and that this would be nothing too, like the first. But when the master himself came by me, as I said just now, and said we should be all lost, I was dreadfully frighted; I got up out of my cabin, and looked out but such a dismal sight I never saw: the sea went mountains high, and broke upon us every three or four minutes; when I could look about, I could see nothing but distress round us. Two ships that rid near us we found had cut their masts by the board, being deep loaden; and our men cried out that a ship which rid about's mile ahead of us was foundered. Two more ships being driven from their anchors, were run out of the roads to sea at all adventures, and that with not a mast standing. The light ships fared the best, as not so much laboring in the sea; but two or three of them drove, and came close by us, running away with only their sprit-sail out before the wind. Towards evening the mate and boatswain begged the master of our ship to let them cut away the foremast, which he was very unwilling to. But the boatswain, protesting to him that if he did not the ship would founder, he consented; and when they had cut away the foremast, the mainmast stood so loose, and shook the ship so much, they were obliged to cut her away also, and make a clear deck. Any one may judge what a condition I must be in all this, who was but a young sailor, and who had been in such a fright before at but a little. But if I can express at this distance the thoughts I had about me at that time, I was in tenfold more horror of mind upon account of my former convictions, and then having returned from them to the resolutions I had wickedly taken at first, than I was at death itself; and these, added to the terror of the storm, put me into such a condition that I can by no words describe it. But the worst was not come yet; the storm continued with such fury that the seamen themselves acknowledged they had never known a worse. We had a good ship, but she was deep loaden, and wallowed in the sea, that the seamen every now and then cried out she would founder. It was my advantage in one respect, that I did not know what they meant by founder till I inquired. However, the storm was so violent 'that I saw what is not often seen, the master, the boatswain, and some others more sensible than the rest, at their prayers, and expecting every moment when the ship would go to the bottom. In the middle of the night, and under all the rest of our distresses, one of the men that had been down on purpose to see, cried out we had sprung a leak; another said there was four foot water in the hold. Then all hands were called to the pump. At that very word my heart, as I thought, died within me, and I fell backwards upon the side of my bed where I sat, into the cabin. However, the men aroused me, and told me that I, that was able to do nothing before, was as well able to pump as another; at which I stirred up and went to the pump and worked very heartily. While this was doing, the master seeing some light colliers, who, not able to ride out the storm, were obliged to slip and run away to sea, and would come near us, ordered to fire a gun as a signal of distress. I, who knew nothing what that meant, was so surprised that I thought the ship had broke, or some dreadful thing had happened. In a word, I was so surprised that I fell down in a swoon. As this was a time when everybody had his own life to think of, nobody minded me, or what was become of me; but another man stepped up to the pump, and thrusting me aside with his foot, let me lie, thinking I had been dead; and it was a great while before I came to myself. We worked on, but the water increasing in the hold, it was apparent that the ship would founder, and though the storm began to abate a little, yet as it was not possible she could swim till we might run into a port, so the master continued firing guns for help; and a light ship, who had rid it out just ahead of us, ventured a boat out to help us. It was with the utmost hazard the boat came near us, but it was impossible for us to get on board, or for the boat to lie near the ship's side, till at last the men rowing very heartily, and venturing their lives to save ours, our men cast them a rope over the stern with a buoy to it, and then veered it out a great length, which they after great labor and hazard took hold of, and we hauled them close under our stern, and got all into their boat. It was to no purpose for them or us after we were in the boat to think of reaching to their own ship, so all agreed to let her drive, and only to pull her in towards shore as much as we could, and our master promised them that if the boat was staved upon shore he would make it good to their master; so partly rowing and partly driving, our boat went away to the norward, sloping towards the shore almost as far as Winterton Ness. We were not much more than a quarter of an hour out of our ship but we saw her sink, and then I understood for the first time what was meant by a ship foundering in the sea. I must acknowledge I had hardly eyes to look up when the seamen told me she was sinking; for from that moment they rather put me into the boat than that I might be said to go in; my heart was, as it were, dead within me, partly with fright, partly with horror of mind and the thoughts of what was yet before me. While we were in this condition, the men yet laboring at the oar to bring the boat near the shore, we could see, when, our boat, mounting the waves, we were able to see the shore" great many people running along the shore to assist us when we should come near. But we made but slow way towards the shore, nor were we able to reach the shore, till being past the lighthouse at Winterton, the shore falls off to the westward towards Cromer, and so the land broke off a little the violence of the wind. Here we got in, and though not without much difficulty got all safe on shore, and walked afterwards on foot to Yarmouth, where, as unfortunate men, we were used with great humanity as well by the magistrates of the town, who assigned us good quarters, as by particular merchants and owners of ships, and had money given us sufficient to carry us either to London or back to Hull, as we thought fit. Had I now had the sense to have gone back to Hull, and have gone home, I had been happy, and my father, an emblem of our blessed Saviour's parable, had even killed the fatted calf for me; for hearing the ship I went away in was cast away in Yarmouth road, it was a great while before he had any assurance that I was not drowned. But my ill fate pushed me on now with an obstinacy that nothing could resist; and though I had several times loud calls from my reason and my more composed judgment to get home, yet I had no power to do it. I knew not what to call this, nor will I urge that it is a secret overruling decree that hurries us on to be the instruments of our own destruction, even though it be before us, and that we rush upon it with our eyes open. Certainly nothing but some such decreed unavoidable misery attending, and which it was impossible for me to escape, could have pushed me forward against the calm reasonings and persuasions of my most retired thoughts, and against two such visible instructions as I had met with in my first attempt. My comrade, who had helped to harden me before, and who was the master's son, was now less forward than I. The first time he spoke to me after we were at Yarmouth, which was not till two or three days, for we were separated in the town to several quarters - I say, the first time he was me, it appeared his tone was altered, and looking very melancholy and shaking his head, asked me how I did, and telling his father who I was, and how I had came this voyage only for a trial in order to go farther abroad, his father turning to me with a very grave and concerned tone, "Young man," says he, "you ought never to go to sea any more, you ought to take this for a plain and visible token, that you are not to be a seafaring man." "Why, sir," said I, "will you go to sea no more?" "That is another case," said he; "it is my calling, and therefore my duty; but as you made this voyage for a trial, you see what a task Heaven has given you of what you are to expect if you persist; perhaps this is all befallen us on your account, like Jonah in the ship of Tarshish. Pray," continues he, "what are you? and on what account did you go to sea?" Upon that I told him some of my story, at the end of which he burst out with a strange kind of passion. "What had I done," says he, "that such an unhappy wretch should come into my ship? I would not set my foot in the same ship with thee again for a thousand pounds." This, indeed, was, as I said, an excursion of his spirits, which were got agitated by the sense of his loss, and was farther than he could have authority to go. However, he afterwards talked very gravely to me, exhorted me to go back to my father, and not tempt Providence to my ruin; told me I might see a visible hand of Heaven against me. "And, young man," said he, "depend upon it, if you do not go back, wherever you go you will meet with nothing but disasters and disappointments, till your father's words are fulfilled upon you." We parted soon after; for I made him little answer, and I saw him no more; which way he went, I know not. As for me, having some money in my pocket, I travelled to London by land; and there, as well as on the road, had many struggles with myself what course of life I should take, and whether I should go home or go to sea. As to going home, shame opposed the best motions that offered to my thoughts; and it immediately occurred to me how I should be laughed at among the neighbors, and should be ashamed to see, not my father and mother only but even everybody else; from whence I have since often observed how incongruous and irrational the common temper of mankind is, especially of youth, to the reason which ought to guide them in such cases, viz., that they are not ashamed to sin, and yet are ashamed to repent; not ashamed of the action for which they ought justly to be esteemed fools, but are ashamed of the returning, which only can make them be esteemed wise men. In this state of life, however, I remained some time, uncertain what measures to take, and what course of life to lead. An irresistible reluctance continued to going home; and as I stayed a while, the remembrance of the distress I had been in wore off, and as that abated, the little motion I had in my desires to a return wore off with it, till at last I quite laid aside the thoughts of it, and looked out for a voyage. That evil influence which carried me first away from my father'shouse, that hurried me into the wild and indigested notion of raising my fortune, and that impressed those conceits so forcibly upon me as to make me deaf to all good advice, and to the entreaties and even command of my father - I say, the same influence, whatever it was, presented the most unfortunate of all enterprises to my view; and I went on board a vessel bound to the coast of Africa, or as our sailors vulgarly call it, a voyage to Guinea. It was my great misfortune that in all these adventures I did not ship myself as a sailor, whereby, though I might indeed have worked a little harder than ordinary, yet at the same time I had learned the duty and office of a foremast man, and in time might have qualified myself for a mate or lieutenant, if not for a master. But as it was always my fate to choose for the worse, so I did here; for having money in my pocket, and good clothes upon my back, I would always go on board in the habit of a gentleman; and so I neither had any business in the ship, or learned to do any. It was my lot first of all to fall into pretty good company in London, which does not always happen to such loose and misguided young fellows as I then was; the devil generally not omitting to lay some snare for them very early; but it was not so with me. I first fell acquainted with the master of a ship who had been on the coast of Guinea, and who, having had very good success there, was resolved to go again; and who, taking a fancy to my conversation, which was not at all disagreeable at that time, hearing me say I had a mind to see the world, told me if I would go the voyage with him I should be at no expense; I should be his messmate and his companion; and if I could carry anything with me, I should have all the advantage of it that the trade would admit, and perhaps I might meet with some encouragement. I embraced the offer; and, entering into a strict friendship with this captain, who was an honest and plain-dealing man, I went the voyage with him, and carried a small adventure with me, which by the disinterested honesty of my friend the captain, I increased very considerably, for I carried about L40 in such toys and trifles as the captain directed me to buy. This L40 I had mustered together by the assistance of some of my relations whom I corresponded with, and who, I believe, got my father, or at least my mother, to contribute so much as that to my first adventure. This was the only voyage which I may say was successful in all my adventures, and which I owe to the integrity and honesty of my friend the captain; under whom also I got a competent knowledge of the mathematics and the rules of navigation, learned how to keep an account of the ship's course, to take an observation, and, in short, to understand some things that were needful to be understood by a sailor. For, as he took delight to introduce me, I took delight to learn; and, in a word, this voyage made me both a sailor and a merchant; for I brought home five pounds nine ounces of gold dust for my adventure, which yielded me in London at my return almost L300, and this filled me with those aspiring thoughts which have since so completed my ruin. Yet even in this voyage I had my misfortunes too; particularly, that I was continually sick, being thrown into a violent calenture by the excessive heat of the climate; our principal trading being upon the coast, for the latitude of 15 degrees north even to the line itself. I was not set up for a Guinea trader; and my friend, to my great misfortune, dying soon after his arrival, I resolved to go the same voyage again, and I embarked in the same vessel with one who was his mate in the former voyage, and had now got the command of the ship. This was the unhappiest voyage that ever man made; for though I did not carry quite L100 of my new-gained wealth, so that I had L200 left, and which I lodged with my friend's widow, who was very just to me, yet I fell into terrible misfortunes in this voyage; and from the first was this, viz., our ship making her course towards the Canary Islands, or rather between those islands and the African shore, was surprised in the gray of the morning by a Turkish rover of Sallee, who gave chase to us with all the sail she could make. We crowded also as much canvas as our yards would spread, or our masts carry, to have got clear; but finding the pirate gained upon us, and would certainly come up with us in a few hours, we prepared to fight, our ship having twelve guns, and the rogue eighteen. About three in the afternoon he came up with us, and bringing to, by mistake, just athwart our quarter, instead of athwart our stern, as he intended, we brought eight of our guns to bear on that side, and poured in a broadside upon him, which made him sheer off again, after returning our fire and pouring in also his small-shot from near 200 men which he had on board. However, we had not a man touched, all our men keeping close. He prepared to attack us again, and we to defend ourselves; but laying us on board the next time upon our other quarter, he entered sixty men upon our decks, who immediately fell to cutting and hacking the decks and rigging. We plied them with small-shot, half-pikes, powder-chests, and such like, and cleared our deck of them twice. However, to cut short this melancholy part of our story, our ship being disabled, and three of our men killed and eight wounded, we were obliged to yield, and were carried all prisoners into Sallee, a port belonging to the Moors. The usage I had there was not so dreadful as at first I had apprehended, nor was I carried up the country to the emperor's court, as the rest of our men were, but was kept by the captain of the rover as his proper prize, and made his slave, being young and nimble, and fit for his business. At this surprising change of my circumstances from a merchant to a miserable slave, I was perfectly overwhelmed; and now I looked back upon my father's prophetic discourse to me, that I should be miserable, and have none to relieve me, which I thought was now so effectually brought to pass, that it could not be worse; that now the hand of Heaven had overtaken me, and I was undone without redemption. But alas! this was but a taste of the misery I was to go through, as will appear in the sequel of this story. As my new patron, or master, had taken me home to his house, so I was in hopes that he would take me with him when he went to sea again, believing that it would some time or other be his fate to be taken by a Spanish or Portugal man-of-war; and that then I should be set at liberty. But this hope of mine was soon taken away; for when he went to sea, he left me on shore to look after his little garden, and do the common drudgery of slaves about his house; and when he came home again from his cruise, he ordered me to lie in the cabin to look after the ship. Here I meditated nothing but my escape, and what method I might take to effect it, but found no way that had the least probability in it. Nothing presented to make the supposition of it rational; for I had nobody to communicate it to that would embark with me, no fellow-slave, no Englishman, Irishman, or Scotsman there but myself; so that for two years, though I often pleased myself with the imagination, yet I never had the least encouraging prospect of putting it in practice. After about two years an odd circumstance presented itself, which put the old thought of making some attempt for my liberty again in my head. My patron lying at home longer than usual without fitting out his ship, which, as I heard, was for want of money, he used constantly, once or twice a week, sometimes oftener, if the weather was fair, to take the ship's pinnace, and go out into the road a-fishing; and as he always took me and a young Maresco with him to row the boat, we made him very merry, and I proved very dexterous in catching fish; insomuch, that sometimes he would send me with a Moor, one of his kinsmen, and the youth the Maresco, as they called him, to catch a dish of fish for him. It happened one time that, going a-fishing in a stark calm morning, a fog rose so thick, that though we were not half a league from the shore we lost sight of it; and rowing we knew not whither or which way, we labored all day, and all the next night, and when the morning came found we were pulled off to sea instead of pulling in for the shore; and that we were at least two leagues from the shore. However, we got well in again, though with a great deal of labor, and some danger, for the wind began to blow pretty fresh in the morning; but particularly we were all very hungry. But our patron, warned by this disaster, resolved to take more care of himself for the future; and having lying by him the longboat of our English ship which he had taken, he resolved he would not go a-fishing any more without a compass and some provision; so he ordered the carpenter of his ship, who was also an English slave, to build a little state-room, or cabin, in the middle of the longboat, like that of a barge, with a place to stand behind it to steer and haul home the main-sheet, and room before for a hand or two to stand and work the sails. She sailed with what we call a shoulder-of-mutton sail; and the boom jabbed over the top of the cabin, which lay very snug and low, and had in it room for him to lie, with a slave or two, and a table to eat on, with some small lockers to put in some bottles of such liquor as he thought fit to drink; particularly his bread, rice, and coffee. We went frequently out with this boat a-fishing, and as I was most dexterous to catch fish for him, he never went without me. It happened that he had appointed to go out in this boat, either for pleasure or for fish, with two or three Moors of some distinction in that place, and for whom he had provided extraordinarily; and had therefore sent on board the boat over night a larger store of provisions than ordinary; and had ordered me to get ready three fuzees with powder and shot, which were on board his ship, for that they designed some sport of fowling as well as fishing. I got all things ready as he had directed, and waited the next morning with the boat, washed clean, her ancient and pendants out, and everything to accommodate his guests; when by and by my patron came on board alone, and told me his guests had put off going, upon some business that fell out, and ordered me with the man and boy, as usual, to go out with the boat and catch them some fish, for that his friends were to sup at his house; and commanded that as soon as I had got some fish, I should bring it home to his house; all which I prepared to do. This moment my former notions of deliverance darted into my thoughts, for now I found I was like to have a little ship at my command; and my master being gone, I prepared to furnish myself, not for a fishing business, but for a voyage; though I knew not, neither did I so much as consider, whither I should steer; for anywhere, to get out of that place, was my way. My first contrivance was to make a pretence to speak to this Moor, to get something for our subsistence on board; for I told him we must not presume to eat of our patron's bread. He said that was true; so he brought a large basket of rusk or biscuit of their kind, and three jars with fresh water, into the boat. I knew where my patron's case of bottles stood, which it was evident by the make were taken out of some English prize; and I conveyed them into the boat while the Moor was on shore, as if they had been there before for our master. I conveyed also a great lump of beeswax into the boat, which weighed above half a hundredweight, with a parcel of twine or thread, a hatchet, a saw, and a hammer, all of which were great use to us afterwards, especially the wax to make candles. Another trick I tried upon him, which he innocently came into also. His name was Ishmael, who they call Muly, or Moely; so I called to him, "Moely," said I, "our patron's guns are on board the boat; can you not get a little powder and shot? It may be we may kill some alcamies (a fowl like our curlews) for ourselves, for I know he keeps the gunner's stores in the ship." "Yes," says he, "I'll bring some"; and accordingly he brought a great leather pouch which held about a pound an a half of powder, or rather more; and another with shot, that had five or six pounds, with some bullets, and put all into the boat. At the same time I had found some powder of my master's in the great cabin, with which I filled one of the large bottles in the case, which was almost empty, pouring what was in it into another; and thus furnished with everything needful, we sailed out of the port to fish. The castle, which is at the entrance of the port, knew who we were, and took no notice of us; and we were not above a mile out of the port before we hauled in our sail, and set us down to fish. The wind blew from the NNE., which was contrary to my desire; for had it blown southerly I had been sure to have made the coast of Spain, and at least reached to the bay of Cadiz; but my resolutions were, blow which way it would, I would be gone from the horrid place where I was, and leave the rest to Fate. After we had fished some time and catched nothing, for when I had fish on my hook I would not pull them up, that he might not see them, I said to the Moor, "This will not do; our master will not be thus served; we must stand farther off." He, thinking no harm, agreed, and being in the head of the boat set the sails; and as I had the helm I run the boat out near a league farther, and then brought her to as if I would fish; when giving the boy the helm, I stepped forward to where the Moor was, and making as if I stooped for something behind him, I took him by surprise with my arm under his twist, and tossed him clear overboard into the sea. He rose immediately, for he swam like a cork, and called to me, begged to be taken in, told me he would go all the world over with me. He swam so strong after the boat, that he would have reached me very quickly, there being but little wind; upon which I stepped into the cabin, and fetching one of the fowling-pieces, I presented it at him, and told him I had done him no hurt, and if he would be quiet I would do him none. "But, said I, "you swim well enough to reach to the shore, and the sea is calm; make the best of your way to shore, and I will do you no harm; but if you come near the boat I'll shoot you through the head, for I am resolved to have my liberty." So he turned himself about, and swam for the shore, and I make no doubt but he reached it with ease, for he was an excellent swimmer. I could have been content to have taken this Moor with me, and have drowned the boy, but there was no venturing to trust him. When he was gone I turned to the boy, whom they called Xury, and said to him, "Xury, if you will be faithful to me I'll make you a great man; but if you will not stroke your face to be true to me," this is, swear by Mahomet and his father's beard, "I must throw you into the sea too." The boy smiled in my face, and spoke so innocently, that I could not mistrust him, and swore to be faithful to me, and go all over the world with me. While I was in view of the Moor that was swimming, I stood out directly to sea with the boat, rather stretching to windward, that they might think me gone towards the straits' mouth (as indeed any one that had been in their wits must have been supposed to do); for who would have supposed we were sailed on to the southward to the truly barbarian coast, where whole nations of negroes were sure to surround us with their canoes, and destroy us; where we could ne'er once go on shore but we should be devoured by savage beasts, or more merciless savages of humankind? But as soon as it grew dusk in the evening, I changed my course, and steered directly south and by east, bending my course a little toward the east, that I might keep in with the shore; and having a fair, fresh gale of wind, and a smooth, quiet sea, I made such sail that I believe by the next day at three o'clock in the afternoon, when I first made the land, I could not be less than 150 miles south of Sallee; quite beyond the Emperor of Morocco's dominions, or indeed of any other king thereabouts, for we saw no people. Yet such was the fright I had taken at the Moors, and the dreadful apprehensions I had of falling into their hands, that I would not stop, or go on shore, or come to an anchor, the wind continuing fair, till I had sailed in that manner five days; and then the wind shifting to the southward, I concluded also that if any of our vessels were in chase of me, they also would now give over; so I ventured to make to the coast, and came to an anchor in the mouth of a little river, I knew not what, or where; neither what latitude, what country, what nations, or what river. I neither saw, nor desired to see, any people; the principal thing I wanted was fresh water. We came into this creek in the evening, resolving to swim on shore as soon as it was dark, and discover the country; but as soon as it was quite dark we heard such dreadful noises of the barking, roaring, and howling of wild creatures, of we knew not what kinds, that the poor boy was ready to die with fear, and begged me not to go on shore till day. "Well, Xury," said I, "then I won't; but it may be we may see men by day, who will be as bad to us as these lions." "Then we give them the shoot gun," says Xury, laughing; "make them run 'way." Such English Xury spoke by conversing among us slaves. However, I was glad to see the boy so cheerful, and I gave him a dram (out of our patron's case of bottles) to cheer him up. After all, Xury's advice was good, and I took it; we dropped our little anchor and lay still all night. I say still, for we slept none; for in two or three hours we saw vast great creatures (we knew not what to call them) of many sorts come down to the sea-shore and run into the water, wallowing and washing themselves for the pleasure of cooling themselves; and they made such hideous howlings and yellings, that I never indeed heard the like. Xury was dreadfully frightened, and indeed so was I too; but we were both more frighted when we heard one of these mighty creatures come swimming towards our boat; we could not see him, but we might hear him by his blowing to be a monstrous huge and furious beast. Xury said it was a lion, and it might be so for aught I know; but poor Xury cried to me to weigh the anchor and row away. "No," says I, "Xury; we can slip our cable with the buoy to it, and go off to sea; they cannot follow us far." I had no sooner said so, but I perceived the creature (whatever it was) within two oars' length, which something surprised me; however, I immediately stepped to the cabin door, and taking up my gun, fired at him, upon which he immediately turned about and swam towards the shore again. But is is impossible to describe the horrible noises, and hideous cries and howlings, that were raised, as well upon the edge of the shore as higher within the country, upon the noise or report of the gun, a thing I have some reason to believe those creatures had never heard before. This convinced me that there was no going on shore for us in the night upon that coast; and how to venture on shore in the day was another question too; for to have fallen into the hands of any of the savages, had been as bad as to have fallen into the hands of lions and tigers; at least we were equally apprehensive of the danger of it. Be that as it would, we were obliged to go on shore somewhere or other for water, for we had not a pint left in the boat; when or where to get to it, was the point. Xury said if I would let him go on shore with one the jars, he would find if there was any water, and bring some to me. I asked him why he should go? Why I should not go and he stay in the boat? The boy answered with so much affection, that made me love him ever after. Says he, "If wild mans come, they eat me, you go way." "Well, Xury," said I, "we will both go; and if the wild mans come, we will kill them, they shall eat neither of us." So I gave Xury a piece of rusk bread to eat, and a dram out of our patron's case of bottles which I mentioned before; and we hauled in the boat as near the shore as we thought was proper, and so waded on shore, carrying nothing but our arms and two jars for water. I did not care to go out of sight of the boat, fearing the coming of canoes with savages down the river; but the boy seeing a low place about a mile up the country, rambled to it; and by and by I saw him come running towards me. I thought he was pursued by some savage, or frighted with some wild beast, and I ran forward towards him to help him; but when I came nearer to him, I saw something hanging over his shoulders, which was a creature that he had shot, like a hare, but different in color, and longer legs. However, we were very glad of it, and it was very good meat; but the great joy that poor Xury came with was to tell me he had found good water, and seen no wild mans. But we found afterwards that we need not take such pains for water, for a little higher up the creek where we were we found the water fresh when the tide was out, which flowed but a little way up; so we filled our jars, and feasted on the hare we had killed, and prepared to go on our way, having seen no footsteps of any human creatures in that part of the country. As I had been one voyage to this coast before, I knew very well that the Islands of the Canaries, and the Cape de Verde Islands also, lay not far off from the coast. But as I had no instruments to take an observation to know what latitude we were in, and did not exactly know, or at least remember, what latitude they were in, I knew not where to look for them, or when to stand off to sea towards them; otherwise I might now easily have found some of these islands. But my hope was, that if I stood along this coast till I came to that part where the English traded, I should find some of their vessels upon their usual design of trade, that would relieve and take us in. By the best of my calculation, that place where I now was must be that country which, lying between the Emperor of Morocco's dominions and the negroes, lies waste and uninhabited, except by wild beasts; the negroes having abandoned it and gone farther south for fear of the Moors, and the Moors not thinking it worth inhabiting, by reason of its barrenness; and indeed both forsaking it because of the prodigious number of tigers, lions, leopards, and other furious creatures which harbor there; so that the Moors use it for their hunting only, where they go like an army, two or three thousand men at a time; and indeed for near a hundred miles together upon this coast we saw nothing but a waste uninhabited country by day, and heard nothing but howlings and roarings of wild beasts by night. Once or twice in the daytime I thought I saw the Pico of being the high top of the Mountain Teneriffe in the Canaries, and had a great mind to venture out in hopes of reaching thither; but having tried twice, I was forced in again by contrary winds, the sea also going too high for my little vessel; so I resolved to pursue my first design, and keep along the shore. Several times I was obliged to land for fresh water after we had left this place; and once in particular, being early in the morning, we came to an anchor under a little point of land which was pretty high; and the tide beginning to flow, we lay still to go farther in. Xury, whose eyes were more about them than it seems mine were, calls softly to me, and tells me that we had best go farther off the shore; "For," says he, "look, yonder lies a dreadful monster on the side of that hillock fast asleep." I looked where he pointed, and saw a dreadful monster indeed, for it was a terrible great lion that lay on the side of the shore, under the shade of a piece of the hill that hung as it were a little over him. "Xury," says I, "you shall go on shore and kill him." Xury looked frighted, and said, "Me kill! he eat me at one mouth;" one mouthful he meant. However, I said no more to the boy, but bade him lie still, and I took our biggest gun, which was almost musketbore, and loaded it with a good charge of powder, and with two slugs, and laid it down; then I loaded another gun with two bullets; and the third (for we had three pieces) I loaded with five smaller bullets. I took the best aim I could with the first piece to have him shot into the head, but he lay so with his leg raised a little above his nose, that the slugs hit his leg about the knee, and broke the bone. He started up growling at first, but finding his leg broke, fell down again, and then got up upon three legs and gave the most hideous roar that ever I heard. I was a little surprised that I had not hit him on the head. However, I took up the second piece immediately, and, though he began to move off, fired again, and shot him into the head, and had the pleasure to him drop, and make but little noise, but lay struggling for life. Then Xury took heart, and would have me let him go on shore. "Well, go," said I; so the boy jumped into the water, and taking a little gun in one hand, swam to shore with the other hand, and coming close to the creature, put the muzzle of the piece to his ear, and shot him into the head again, which despatched him quite. This was game indeed to us, but this was no food; and I was very sorry to lose three charges of powder and shot upon a creature that was good for nothing to us. However, Xury said he would have some of him; so he comes on board, and asked me to give him the hatchet. "For what, Xury?" said I. "Me cut off his head," said he. However, Xury could not cut off his head, but he cut off a foot, and brought it with him, and it was a monstrous great one. I bethought myself, however, that perhaps the skin of him might one way or other be of some value to us; and I resolved to take off his skin if I could. So Xury and I went to work with him; but Xury was much the better workman at it, for I knew very ill how to do it. Indeed, it took us both the whole day, but at last we got off the hide of him, and spreading it on the top of our cabin, the sun effectually dried it in two days' time, and it afterwards served me to lie upon. After this stop we made on to the southward continually for ten or twelve days, living very sparing on our provisions, which began to abate very much, and going no oftener into the shore than we were obliged to for fresh water. My design in this was to make the river Gambia or Senegal - that is to say, anywhere about the Cape de Verde - where I was in hopes to meet with some European ship; and if I did not, I knew not what course I had to take, but to seek out for the lands, or perish there among the negroes. I knew that all the ships from Europe, which sailed either to the coast of Guinea or to Brazil, or to the East Indies, made this cape, or those islands; and in a word, I put the whole of my fortune upon this single point, either that I must meet with some ship, or must perish. When I had pursued this resolution about ten days longer, as I have said, I began to see that the land was inhabited; and in two or three places, as we sailed by, we saw people stand upon the shore to look at us; we could also perceive they were quite black, and stark naked. I was once inclined to have gone on shore to them; but Xury was my better counsellor, and said to me. "No go, no go." However, I hauled in nearer the shore that I might talk to them, and I found they ran along the shore by me a good way. I observed they had no weapons in their hands, except one, who had a long slender stick, which Xury said was a lance, and that they would throw them a great way with good aim. So I kept a distance, but talked with them by signs as well as I could, and particularly made signs for something to eat; they beckoned to me to stop my boat, and that they would fetch me some meat. Upon this I lowered the top of my sail, and lay by, and two of them ran up into the country, and in less than half an hour came back, and brought with them two pieces of dried flesh and some corn, such as is the produce of their country; but we neither knew what the one or the other was. However, we were willing to accept it, but how to come at it was our next dispute, for I was not for venturing on shore to them, and they were as much afraid to us; but they took a safe way for us all, for they brought it to the shore and laid it down, and went and stood a great way off till we fetched it on board, and then came close to us again. We made signs of thanks to them, for we had nothing to make them amends. But an opportunity offered that very instant to oblige them wonderfully; for while we were lying by the shore came two mighty creatures, one pursuing the other (as we took it) with great fury from the mountains towards the sea; whether it was the male pursuing the female, or whether they were in sport or in rage, we could not tell, any more than we could tell whether it was usual or strange, but I believe it was the latter; because in the first place, those ravenous creatures seldom appear but in the night; and in the second place, we found the people terribly frightened, especially the women. The man that had the lance or dart did not fly from them, but the rest did; however, as the two creatures ran directly into the water, they did not seem to offer to fall upon any of the negroes, but plunged themselves into the sea, and swam about, as if they had come for their diversion. At last, one of them began to come nearer our boat than at first I expected; but I lay ready for him, for I had loaded my gun with all possible expedition, and bade Xury load both the others. As soon as he came fairly within my reach, I fired, and shot him directly into the head; immediately he sunk down into the water, but rose instantly, and plunged up and down, as if he was struggling for life, and so indeed he was. He immediately made to the shore; but between the wound, which was his mortal hurt, and the strangling of the water, he died just before he reached the shore. It is impossible to express the astonishment of these poor creatures, at the noise and the fire of my gun; some of them were even ready to die for fear, and fell down as dead with the very terror. But when they saw the creature dead, and sunk in the water, and that I made signs to them to come to the shore, they took heart and came to the shore, and began to search for the creature. I found him by his blood staining the water: and by the help of a rope, which I slung round him, and gave the negroes to haul, they dragged him on the shore, and found that it was a most curious leopard, spotted, and fine to an admirable degree; and the negroes held up their hands with admiration, to think what it was I had killed him with. The other creature, frighted with the flash of fire and the noise of the gun, swam on shore, and ran directly to the mountains from whence they came; nor could I, at that distance, know what it was. I found quickly the negroes were for eating the flesh of this creature, so I was willing to have them take it as a favor from me; which, when I made signs to them that they might take him, they were very thankful for. Immediately they fell to work with him; and though they had no knife yet, with a sharpened piece of wood, they took off his skin as readily, and much more readily, than we could have done it with a knife. They offered me some of the flesh, which I declined, making as if I would give it them, but made signs for the skin, which they gave me very freely, and brought me a great deal more of their provision, which, though I did not understand, yet I accepted. Then I made signs to them for some water, and held out one of my jars to them, turning it bottom upward, to show that it was empty, and that I wanted to have it filled. The called immediately to some of their friends, and there came two women, and brought a great vessel made of earth, and burnt, as I suppose, in the sun; this they set down for me, as before, and I sent Xury on shore with my jars, and filled them all three. There women were as stark naked as the men. I was now furnished with roots and corn, such as it was, and water; and leaving my friendly negroes, I made forward for about eleven days more, without offering to go near the shore, till I saw the land run out a great length into the sea, at about the distance of four or five leagues before me; and the sea being very calm, I kept a large offing, to make this point. At length, doubling the point, at about two leagues from the land, I saw plainly land on the other side, to seaward; then I concluded, as it was most certain indeed, that this was the Cape de Verde, and those the islands, called from thence Cape de Verde Islands. However, they were at a great distance, and I could not well tell what I had best to do; for if I should be taken with a fresh of wind, I might neither reach one or other. In this dilemma, as I was very pensive, I stepped into the cabin, and sat me down, Xury having the helm; when, on a sudden, the boy cried out, "Master, master, a ship with a sail!" and the foolish boy was frighted out of his wits, thinking it must needs be some of his master's ships sent to pursue us, when I knew we were gotten far enough out of their reach. I jumped out of the cabin, and immediately saw, not only the ship, but what she was, viz., that it was a Portuguese ship, and, as I thought, was bound to the coast of Guinea, for negroes. But when I observed the course she steered, I was soon convinced they were bound some other way, and did not design to come any nearer to the shore; upon which I stretched out to sea as much as I could, resolving to speak with them, if possible. With all the sail I could make, I found I should not be able to come in their way, but they would be gone by before I could make any signal to them; but after I had crowded to the utmost, and began to despair, they, it seems, saw me by the help of their perspective glasses, and that it was some European boat, which, as they supposed, must belong to some ship that was lost, so they shortened sail to let me come up. I was encouraged with this; and as I had my patron's ancient on board, I made a waft of it to them for a signal of distress, and fired a gun both of which they say; for they told me they saw the smoke, though they did not hear the gun. Upon these signals they very kindly brought to, and lay by for me; and in about three hours' time I came up with them. They asked me what I was, in Portuguese, and in Spanish, and in French, but I understood none of them; but at last a Scots sailor, who was on board, called to me, and I answered him, and told him I was an Englishman, that I had made my escape out of slavery from the Moors, at Sallee. Then they bade me come on board, and very kindly took me in, and all my goods. It was an inexpressible joy to me, that any one will believe, that I was thus delivered, as I esteemed it, from such a miserable, and almost hopeless, condition as I was in; and I immediately offered all I had to the captain of the ship, as a return for my deliverance. But he generously told me he would take nothing from me, but that all I had should be delivered safe to me when I came to the Brazils. "For," says he, "I have saved your life on no other terms than I would be glad to be saved myself; and it may, one time or other, be my lot to be taken up in the same condition. Besides," says he, "when I carry you to the Brazils, so great a way from your own country, if I should take from you what you have, you will be starved there, and then I only take away that life I have given. No, no, Seignior Inglese," says he, "Mr. Englishman, I will carry you thither in charity, and those things will help you to buy your subsistence there, and your passage home again." As he was charitable in his proposal, so he was just in the performance to a tittle; for he ordered the seamen that none should offer to touch anything I had; then he took everything into his own possession, and gave me back an exact inventory of them, that I might have them, even so much as my three earthen jars. As to my boat, it was a very good one, and that he saw, and told me he would buy it of me for the ship's use, and asked me what I would have for it? I told him he had been so generous to me in everything, that I could not offer to make any price of the boat, but left it entirely to him; upon which he told me he would give me a note of his hand to pay me eighty pieces of eight for it at Brazil, and when it came there, if any one offered to give more, he would make it up. He offered me also sixty pieces of eight for my boy Xury, which I was loth to take; not that I was not willing to let the captain have him, but I was very loth to sell the poor boy's liberty, who had assisted me so faithfully in procuring my own. However, when I let him know my reason, he owned it to be just, and offered me this medium, that he would give the boy an obligation to set him free in ten years if he turned Christian. Upon this, and Xury saying he was willing to go to him, I let the captain have him. We had a very good voyage to the Brazils, and arrived in the Bay de Todos los Santos, or All Saints' Bay, in about twenty-one days after. And now I was once more delivered from the most miserable of all conditions of life; and what to do next with myself I was now to consider. The generous treatment the captain gave me, I can never enough remember. He would take nothing of me for my passage, gave me twenty ducats f

Kommunist Partiyasının manifesti (1847)

Sahib — Thu, 02 Nov 2006 17:18:18 -0100

Kommunist Partiyasının manifesti (1847) Kommunizmin fərqləndirici cəhəti ümumiyyətlə mülkiyyəti ləğv etmək deyil, burjua mülkiyyətini ləğv etməkdir. Avropada bir kabus dolaşmaqdadır — kommunizm kabusu. Köhnə Avropanın bütün qüvvələri: papa və çar, Metternix və Gizo, fransız radikalları və alman polisləri bu kabusa qarşı müqəddəs bir təqib üçün birləşmişlər... Artıq bütün Avropa qüvvələri kommunizmi bir qüvvə hesab edir. Artıq indi kommunistlərin öz baxışlarını, öz məqsədlərini, öz niyyətlərini bütün dünya qarşısında açıq söyləməli olduqları və kommunizm kabusu haqqındakı əfsanələrə qarşı partiyanın öz manifestini irəli sürməli olduqları vaxt gəlib çatmışdır. BURJUALAR VƏ PROLETARLAR İndiyə qədər mövcud olan bütün cəmiyyətlərin tarixi siniflər mübarizəsi tarixi olmuşdur. Azad insanla qul, patrisi ilə plebey, mülkədarla təhkimli, usta ilə şagird, müxtəsər, zalımla məzlum arasında əbədi bir antaqonizm olmuş, onlar gah gizli, gah da açıq şəkildə daim bir-biri ilə mübarizə aparmışlar və bu mübarizə həmişə bütün cəmiyyət binasının inqilabi surətdə yenidən qurulması və ya mübarizə edən siniflərin hamısının məhv olması ilə nəticələnmişdir...Kommunist Partiyasının manifesti (1847) Kommunizmin fərqləndirici cəhəti ümumiyyətlə mülkiyyəti ləğv etmək deyil, burjua mülkiyyətini ləğv etməkdir. Avropada bir kabus dolaşmaqdadır — kommunizm kabusu. Köhnə Avropanın bütün qüvvələri: papa və çar, Metternix və Gizo, fransız radikalları və alman polisləri bu kabusa qarşı müqəddəs bir təqib üçün birləşmişlər... Artıq bütün Avropa qüvvələri kommunizmi bir qüvvə hesab edir. Artıq indi kommunistlərin öz baxışlarını, öz məqsədlərini, öz niyyətlərini bütün dünya qarşısında açıq söyləməli olduqları və kommunizm kabusu haqqındakı əfsanələrə qarşı partiyanın öz manifestini irəli sürməli olduqları vaxt gəlib çatmışdır. BURJUALAR VƏ PROLETARLAR İndiyə qədər mövcud olan bütün cəmiyyətlərin tarixi siniflər mübarizəsi tarixi olmuşdur. Azad insanla qul, patrisi ilə plebey, mülkədarla təhkimli, usta ilə şagird, müxtəsər, zalımla məzlum arasında əbədi bir antaqonizm olmuş, onlar gah gizli, gah da açıq şəkildə daim bir-biri ilə mübarizə aparmışlar və bu mübarizə həmişə bütün cəmiyyət binasının inqilabi surətdə yenidən qurulması və ya mübarizə edən siniflərin hamısının məhv olması ilə nəticələnmişdir... Dağıdılmış feodalizm cəmiyyətinin içərisindən meydana çıxan müasir burjua cəmiyyəti sinfi ziddiyyətləri məhv etmədi. Bu cəmiyyət ancaq köhnələrin əvəzinə yeni sinifləri, yeni zülm şəraitini və yeni mübarizə formalarını meydana gətirdi. Lakin bizim dövr, burjuaziya dövrü bununla fərqlənir ki, o, sinfi ziddiyyətləri sadələşdirmişdir: cəmiyyət getdikcə daha artıq dərəcədə bir-birinə düşmən olan iki böyük cəbhəyə, bir-birinə qarşı duran iki böyük sinfə — burjuaziya ilə proletariata parçalanır... Müasir dövlət hakimiyyəti yalnız bütün burjuaziya sinfinin ümumi işlərini idarə edən bir komitədir. Burjuaziya tarixdə son dərəcə inqilabi rol oynamışdır. Burjuaziya hakimiyyət başına gəldiyi hər yerdə bütün feodal, patriarxal, idillik münasi¬bət¬ləri dağıtmışdır. O, insanı öz “təbii hökmdarlar”ına bağlayan alabəzək feodal buxovlarını amansızlıqla qırmış və insanlar arasında quru bir mənfəətpərəstlik, amansız “nağd pul” əlaqəsindən başqa heç bir əlaqə saxlamamışdır. O, dini vəcd, cənga¬vər coşqunluğu və meşşan sentimentallığının müqəddəs həyəcanlarını fərdi mənfəət¬pərəst¬liyin buzlu sularında qərq etmişdir. O, insanın şəxsi ləyaqətini mübadilə dəyə¬rinə çevirmiş, əta olunan və əldə edilən saysız-hesabsız azadlıqları yeganə vicdansız bir ticarət azadlığı ilə əvəz etmişdir. Bir sözlə, o, dini və siyasi xülyalar pərdəsinə bürün¬müş istismarı açıq, həyasız, müstəqim və rəhmsiz bir istismarla əvəz etmişdir... Burjuaziya ümumdünya bazarını istismar etmək yolu ilə bütün ölkələrin istehsal və istehlakını kosmopolitik şəklə salmışdır. İrticaçıların çox böyük təəssüfünə səbəb olsa da, o, sənayeni milli zəmindən məhrum etmişdir. Ən qədim milli sənaye sahələri məhv edilmiş və hər gün məhv edilməkdədir... Köhnə yerli və milli qapalılığın və öz istehsal məhsulları hesabına yaşamağın yerini millətlərin hərtərəfli əlaqəsi və onların bir-birindən hərtərəfli asılılığı tutur. Bu, eyni dərəcədə həm maddi, həm də mənəvi istehsala aiddir... Burjuaziyanın əmtəələri ucuz qiymətə olur və bu ağır artilleriyanın köməyi ilə o hər cür Çin səddini yıxıb dağıdır və barbarların xaricilərə qarşı ən qızğın nifrətini təslim olmağa vadar edir... O, kəndi şəhərdən asılı etdiyi kimi, barbar və yarımbarbar ölkələri də mədəni ölkələrdən, kəndli xalqları burjua xalqlardan, Şərqi Qərbdən asılı etmişdir... Müxtəlif mənafeyi, qanunları, hökumətləri, gömrük vergiləri olan və bir-biri ilə, demək olar ki, yalnız ittifaq münasibətləri saxlayan müstəqil əyalətlər bir hökuməti, bir qanun¬vericiliyi, bir milli sinfi mənafeyi, bir gömrük sərhədi olan bir millət halında birləşmiş oldular... Beləliklə, biz gördük ki, burjuaziyanın əmələ gəlməsi üçün əsas təşkil edən istehsal və mübadilə vasitələri feodalizm cəmiyyətində yaranmışdır. Bu istehsal və mübadilə vasitələri müəyyən inkişaf pilləsinə çatdıqda feodalizm cəmiyyətindəki istehsal və mübadilə münasibətləri, əkinçilik və sənayenin feodal qaydasında təşkili, bir sözlə, feodal mülkiyyət münasibətləri inkişaf etmiş məhsuldar qüvvələrə daha uyğun gəlmədi. Onlar istehsalı inkişaf etdirmək əvəzinə onu ləngidirdi. Onlar istehsal üçün bir buxov olmuşdu. Bu buxovları qırıb-dağıtmaq lazım idi və onlar dağıdıldı. Onların yerini azad rəqabət tutdu, buna müvafiq ictimai və siyasi quruluş, burjuaziya sinfinin iqtisadi və siyasi hökmranlığı əmələ gəldi. Gözümüz qarşısında da belə bir hərəkət baş verir. Burjua istehsal və mübadilə münasi¬bətlərinə, burjua mülkiyyət münasibətlərinə malik olan və sanki ecazkarlıqla bu qədər qüdrətli istehsal və mübadilə vasitələri yaratmış olan müasir burjua cəmiyyəti öz əfsunlarının yer altından çağırdığı qüvvələrin daha öhdəsindən gələ bilməyən bir sehrbaza bənzəyir. Artıq on illərdən bəri sənaye və ticarətin tarixi müasir istehsal münasibətlərinə qarşı, burjuaziyanın və onun hökmranlığının varlığı üçün şərt olan mülkiyyət münasibətlərinə qarşı müasir məhsuldar qüvvələrin yalnız həyəcanı tarixindən ibarətdir... Feodalizmi yıxarkən burjuaziyanın istifadə etdiyi silah indi burjuaziyanın özünə qarşı yönəldilir. Lakin burjuaziya nəinki onu məhv edəcək bir silah hazırlamışdır; o, həmçinin bu silahı ona qarşı çevirəcək adamları da — müasir fəhlələri, proletarları da yaratmışdır... Proletariat müxtəlif inkişaf pillələrindən keçir. Onun burjuaziyaya qarşı mübarizəsi həyata qədəm qoyduğu gündən başlanır. Əvvəlcə ayrı-ayrı fəhlələr, sonra bir fabrikin fəhlələri, daha sonra isə müəyyən bir yerdə bir əmək sahəsinin fəhlələri onları bilavasitə istismar edən ayrıca bir burjuaya qarşı mübarizə aparırlar... Ayrıca bir fəhlə ilə ayrıca bir burjua arasındakı toqquşmalar getdikcə daha artıq dərəcədə iki sinif arasındakı toqquşma xarakteri alır. Fəhlələr başlayıb burjualara qarşı koalisiyalar təşkil edirlər; onlar öz əmək haqlarını müdafiə etmək üçün birgə çıxış edirlər. Onlar baş verə biləcək toqquşmalar zamanı özlərini vəsaitlə təmin etmək üçün hətta daimi assosiasiyalar təsis edirlər. Bəzi yerlərdə mübarizə açıq üsyanlara çevrilir. Fəhlələr arabir qalib gəlirlər, lakin bu qələbələr yalnız keçici bir qələbədir. Onların apardığı mübarizənin həqiqi nəticəsi bilavasitə müvəffəqiyyət olmayıb, fəhlələrin getdikcə daha geniş miqyasda birləşməsi olur. İri sənayenin yaratdığı və müxtəlif yerlərin fəhlələri arasında əlaqə düzəldən nəqliyyat vasitələrinin daim artması fəhlələrin birləşməsinə kömək edir. Hər yerdə eyni xarakter daşıyan mübarizənin bir çox yerli ocaqlarını mərkəzləşdirib vahid milli, sinfi mübarizə halına salmaq üçün də yalnız bu əlaqə lazımdır. Hər bir sinfi mübarizə isə siyasi mübarizədir... PROLETARLAR VƏ KOMMUNİSTLƏR ...Kommunistlərin də ən yaxın məqsədi bütün qalan proletar partiyalarının ən yaxın məqsədinin eynidir: proletariatın sinif halında formalaşması, burjuaziya hökmranlı¬ğının devrilməsi, siyasi hakimiyyətin proletariat tərəfindən ələ alınması... Kommunizmin fərqləndirici cəhəti ümumiyyətlə mülkiyyəti ləğv etmək deyil, burjua mülkiyyətini ləğv etməkdir. Lakin müasir burjua xüsusi mülkiyyəti sinfi antaqonizmlərə, bəzilərinin başqalarını istismar etməsinə əsaslanan məhsul istehsalı və mənimsənilməsinin son və mükəmməl ifadəsidir. Bu mənada kommunistlər özlərinin nəzəriyyəsini bir müddəa ilə ifadə edə bilərlər: xüsusi mülkiyyəti məhv etmək... Ailənin məhv edilməsi! Ən ifrat radikallar da kommunistlərin bu iyrənc niyyətindən hiddətlənirlər. Müasir ailə, burjua ailəsi nəyə əsaslanır? Kapitala, xüsusi varlanmaya. Tamamilə inkişaf etmiş şəkildə bu ailə ancaq burjuaziya üçün mövcuddur, lakin onun belə bir əlavəsi vardır ki, proletarlar məcburiyyət üzündən ailəsiz qalır və açıq fahişəlik baş verir. Burjua ailəsinin bu əlavəsi aradan qalxdıqda təbii olaraq bu ailə də aradan qalxır və kapital yox olduqda bunların hər ikisi yox olacaqdır. Bəlkə siz bizi ittiham edirsiniz ki, biz ata-anaların öz uşaqlarını istismar etməsinə son qoymaq istəyirik? Biz bu cinayəti etiraf edirik... Lakin bütün burjuaziya bir ağızdan bağırıb bizə deyir ki, siz kommunistlər arvadları ümumiləşdirmək istəyirsiniz. Burjua öz arvadına adi bir istehsal aləti kimi baxır. O eşidir ki, istehsal alətlərini ümumi istifadəyə vermək nəzərdə tutulur, buna görə, əlbəttə, belə bir fikirdən uzaqlaşa bilmir ki, qadınların da başına bu cür iş gələcəkdir. O heç xəyalına da gətirmir ki, burada qadının məhz adi bir istehsal aləti olması vəziyyətini aradan qaldırmaqdan bəhs olunur. Kommunistlərdə arvadların guya rəsmi ümumiliyi barəsində bizim burjuaların yüksək əxlaq sahibləri kimi dəhşətə gəlməsindən daha gülünc bir şey yoxdur. Kommunistlərin arvadları ümumiləşdirməsinə ehtiyac yoxdur, bu ümumilik, demək olar ki, hər zaman mövcud olmuşdur. Bizim burjualar, rəsmi fahişəlik hələ bir yana qalsın, öz fəhlələrinin arvad və qızla¬rı¬nın onların ixtiyarında olması ilə kifayətlənməyərək bir-birinin arvadlarını da ələ keçirməkdən xüsusi bir həzz alırlar. Burjua kəbini əslində arvadların ümumiliyi deməkdir. Kommunistləri bəlkə də ancaq bunda ittiham etmək olardı ki, guya onlar arvadların riyakarlıqla pərdələnən gizli ümumiliyi əvəzinə rəsmi, açıq ümumiliyini həyata keçirmək istəyirlər. Lakin özlüyündə aydındır ki, indiki istehsal münasibətləri məhv edildikdə bu münasibətlərdən doğan arvad ümumiliyi də, yəni rəsmi və qeyri-rəsmi fahişəlik də yox olacaqdır. Sonra kommunistləri ittiham edirlər ki, onlar vətəni, milliyyəti ləğv etmək istəyirlər. Fəhlələrin vətəni yoxdur. Fəhlələrin olmayan bir şeyini onların əlindən almaq da olmaz. Proletariat ən əvvəl siyasi hökmranlığı ələ almalı, milli sinif vəziyyətinə çatmalı və bir millət kimi təşəkkül tapmalı olduğundan özü hələ millidir, hərçənd bu millilik heç də burjuaziyanın anladığı mənada deyildir. Burjuaziya inkişaf etdikcə, ticarət azadlığı, ümumdünya bazarı yarandıqca, sənaye istehsalı və buna uyğun olan həyat şəraiti eyniləşdikcə, xalqların milli ayrılığı və əkslikləri getdikcə daha çox aradan qalxır... Bir fərdi başqa fərdin istismar etməsi məhv edildiyi dərəcədə bir milləti başqa millətin istismar etməsi də məhv ediləcəkdir. Millətlər daxilində siniflərin antaqonizmi ilə birlikdə millətlər arasındakı düşmənçilik münasibətləri də yox olub gedəcəkdir. Dini, fəlsəfi və ümumiyyətlə, ideoloji nöqteyi-nəzərlərdən kommunizmə qarşı irəli sürülən ittihamları ətraflı nəzərdən keçirməyinə dəyməz. İnsanların həyat şəraiti, onların ictimai münasibətləri, onların ictimai varlığı ilə birlikdə onların təsəvvürlərinin, baxışlarının və anlayışlarının, bir sözlə, onların şüurunun da dəyişildiyini anlamaq üçün məgər xüsusi bir dərin düşüncəmi lazımdır?.. Biz artıq yuxarıda gördük ki, fəhlə inqilabında birinci addım proletariatın hakim sinfə çevrilməsi, demokratiya əldə edilməsidir. Proletariat öz siyasi hökmranlığından bütün kapitalı addımbaaddım burjuaziyanın əlindən almaq, bütün istehsal alətlərini dövlətin, yəni hakim sinif halında təşkil olunmuş proletariatın əlində mərkəzləşdirmək və məhsuldar qüvvələr məcmusunu mümkün qədər sürətlə artırmaq üçün istifadə edəcəkdir. Bu, əlbəttə, əvvəlcə mülkiyyət hüququna və burjua istehsal münasibətlərinə ancaq zorakı müdaxilə vasitəsilə, yəni iqtisadi cəhətdən yarıtmaz və əsassız görünən, lakin hərəkət gedişində böyüyüb öz çərçivəsindən kənara çıxan və bütün istehsal üsulunda çevriliş üçün bir vasitə kimi labüd olan tədbirlər vasitəsilə mümkündür. Əlbəttə, müxtəlif ölkələrdə bu tədbirlər müxtəlif olacaqdır. Lakin ən qabaqcıl ölkələrin, demək olar, hamısında aşağıdakı tədbirlər tətbiq edilə bilər: 1. Torpaq mülkiyyətindən məhrum etmək və torpaq rentasından dövlət xərclərinin ödənilməsi üçün istifadə etmək. 2. Yüksək mütərəqqi vergi. 3. Vərəsəlik hüququnu ləğv etmək. 4. Bütün mühacirlərin və qiyamçıların əmlakını müsadirə etmək. 5. Dövlət kapitalına və müstəsna inhisara malik milli bank vasitəsilə krediti dövlət əlində mərkəzləşdirmək. 6. Bütün nəqliyyatı dövlətin əlində mərkəzləşdirmək. 7. Ümumi plan üzrə dövlət fabriklərinin, istehsal alətlərinin sayını artırmaq, torpaqları əkin üçün təmizləmək və yaxşılaşdırmaq. 8. Əməyin hamı üçün eyni dərəcədə məcburiliyi, sənaye orduları təşkil etmək, xüsusən əkinçilik üçün belə ordular təşkil etmək. 9. Əkinçiliyi sənaye ilə birləşdirmək, şəhərlə kənd arasındakı fərqin tədricən aradan qaldırılmasına kömək etmək. 10. Bütün uşaqlara ictimai və pulsuz tərbiyə vermək. Fabriklərdə müasir formadakı uşaq əməyini aradan qaldırmaq. Tərbiyəni maddi istehsalla birləşdirmək və i. İnkişaf gedişində sinfi fərqlərin məhv olacağı və bütün istehsalın fərdlərin assosia¬siyası əlində toplaşacağı zaman ictimai hakimiyyət öz siyasi xarakterini itirəcəkdir... Siniflərin və sinfi əksliklərin mövcud olduğu köhnə burjua cəmiyyətinin yerini elə bir assosiasiya tutur ki, burada hər kəsin azad inkişafı hamının azad inkişafı üçün şərt¬dir. *** Bir sözlə, kommunistlər hər yerdə mövcud ictimai və siyasi quruluşa qarşı yönəldilən hər cür inqilabi hərəkata kömək edirlər. Bütün bu hərəkatlarda onlar mülkiyyət məsələsini onun çox və ya az inkişaf etmiş bir forma almasından asılı olmayaraq hərəkatın əsas məsələsi kimi birinci yerə qoyurlar. Nəhayət, kommunistlər hər yerdə bütün ölkələrin demokratik partiyalarının birləşməsinə və razılığa gəlməsinə çalışırlar. Kommunistlər öz baxış və niyyətlərini gizlətməyi mənfur bir şey hesab edirlər. Onlar açıq bildirirlər ki, məqsədləri yalnız bütün mövcud ictimai quruluşu zorakılıqla devir¬mək yolu ilə əldə edilə bilər. Qoy hakim siniflər Kommunist İnqilabı qarşısında lərzə¬yə düşsünlər. Proletarlar bu inqilabda öz zəncirlərindən başqa heç bir şey itirməyəcək¬lər. Qazanacaqları isə bütün dünya olacaqdır. Bütün ölkələrin proletarları, birləşin!